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International alliance refers to the agreement between a group of states to form an international organization, which is governed by treaties. This agreement usually includes a mutual defense clause, where members pledge to assist each other in the event of a threat. This arrangement is usually based on common interests, such as national security or economic prosperity. This agreement can be multilateral or bilateral.

The most well-known explanation for the formation of alliances is the aggregation of power model. This theory argues that states pursue alliances for the purpose of strengthening their effective military capabilities through combination with others. This is why countries with similar military power, resources and security interests ally together. Domestic factors, such as political stability or internal conflicts, do not play a significant role in alliance decisions.

A minority of scholars offer alternative explanations for the formation of alliances. One theory is based on the concept of an international ‘narrative’, which views alliances as part of a political narrative defining the prevailing world order. Another approach, rooted in realism, sees alliances as tools for constraining the behavior of states. Finally, a few studies have explored the influence of social, cultural and political similarities on alliance formation. Moreover, recent research has examined the impact of a firm’s networks on its ability to expand internationally. The study finds that firms’ decision to either cooperate or compete for new markets is moderated by network centrality, resource ownership and market attractiveness.

A peace agreement is a written arrangement between warring parties, usually States but increasingly involving non-State organized armed groups, to end a protracted armed conflict. The objective is to establish durable peace and the resumption of normal social and political life. Peace agreements may include a number of provisions, ranging from the termination of hostilities (Article 1) to the creation of transitional bodies such as truth and reconciliation commissions (Articles XIII-XVI Lome Agreement).

The success of peace agreements depends on their design and implementation. In addition to including effective mechanisms for the peaceful resolution of disputes, they should also address the root causes of the underlying conflict and promote inclusive governance. Peace agreements that incorporate these socio-political reforms tend to be more stable than those that do not, even if they involve a cessation of violence. However, many studies have highlighted the challenges of implementing peace agreements.

In particular, implementation difficulties stem from the design and structure of the peace agreements themselves. In addition, they can be hindered by implementation difficulties related to the political participation of former combatants and the organization of elections. In these cases, scholars have proposed a variety of strategies for overcoming these obstacles and achieving sustainable peace.

Furthermore, it is important to consider the role of third parties in the implementation and monitoring of peace agreements. Their involvement can range from active mediation, as in the case of the negotiations that led to the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland, to simply providing a platform for the parties to meet.

Diplomatic talks are negotiations between states to advance mutual interests, resolve conflict and prevent war. In many cases these conversations result in a diplomatic agreement, the most formal of which is a treaty. But even when successful, diplomatic talks are often a difficult balancing act. Attempting to bring peace and stability to places of tension requires intense, complex and often long-lasting engagement.

Diplomats need to know everything they can about their interlocutors, including their domestic politics, who influences them inside and outside of their government, how they see their national interests, and what challenges and opportunities they face. They must develop rapport and trust, and avoid sarcasm or condescension, which may be misinterpreted as hostile or defensive, while addressing sensitive topics carefully. They must also fully listen to their interlocutors, and empathetically understand their perspectives even when they disagree. Finally, their facial expressions and body language should align with their words to prevent offence or misunderstanding.

The most common obstacles to successful diplomacy include a lack of preparation, misreading the situation and poor communication skills. High emotions can derail calm, thoughtful dialogue and exacerbate conflicts. Cultural differences and inability to adapt to diverse communication norms can also create misunderstandings and alienation. Diplomats must learn to recognize and handle “hot buttons” – those sensitive topics or triggers that could escalate an already-frozen conflict if not handled carefully.

In some cases, diplomatic talks are mediated by trusted non-state actors to help facilitate more frank discussion and explore ideas that might not emerge through official channels. This type of informal diplomacy is often called Track 2 diplomacy. In the case of Iran, it was a key part of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which established a channel for dialogue between the United States and Iran despite their lack of normal diplomatic ties.

Political exile refers to a state of residence outside the territory of a nation. Often people are displaced for political reasons, such as a coup d’état or a foreign occupation. In these situations, a government-in-exile may be established abroad to command the country’s armed forces. Such governments-in-exile have also formed in the wake of popular uprisings or to challenge the legitimacy of a regime. The most famous example of this is the Tibetan government-in-exile, headed by the Dalai Lama.

The practice of exile has long been a part of the international politics of conflict and change. In recent years, the anthropological study of exile has become increasingly important, given the growing interest in topics such as transnationalism and diaspora, conflict and violence, and nationalism and social memory. The study of refugees and refugee societies in particular draws attention to the relation between space, place, and identity, as well as challenging notions in anthropology of community and culture as bounded and territorial entities.

People who are displaced for political reasons can be adrift in their new homes, lacking a firm sense of identity and feeling disconnected from a home that is no longer accessible. This adriftness can lead to the formation of group solidarity, based on shared suffering, that is reinforced by rhetorical and symbolic references to homelands. This group solidarity can, in turn, produce hostile attitudes toward outsiders – especially those who are not from the same linguistic or ethnic background as those displaced.

When a nation threatens to use nuclear weapons, the world takes notice. It’s a defining moment that invokes the darkest chapter of human history. Explicit nuclear threats have been the default mode of international behavior for decades, because they are the essence of deterrence—the idea that if you attack us, we will destroy your society or your most vital military assets.

In the 1950s, as warheads were developed for aircraft bombs and then for strategic ballistic missiles, Western game theorists realized that a full-scale nuclear exchange could wipe out cities and towns and kill large numbers of civilians. This would mean that neither the United States nor Soviet Union/Russia could emerge a pyrrhic victor in such a conflict. That is why they developed a doctrine of mutually assured destruction (MAD).

As a result, nuclear weapons have been largely kept out of the hands of hostile states, but today the world’s superpowers maintain about 12,000 warheads. Nuclear weapons have the power to kill billions of people, both directly and indirectly through effects such as famine or global warming.

The first sign of a nuclear explosion is an intense, blinding flash that can be seen from miles away. A few seconds later, a boom echoes through the sky. Then a mushroom cloud forms—sometimes it’s green, sometimes gray.

The threat of nuclear weapons has resurfaced with the tensions between North Korea and the United States, and the false alarm in Hawaii. New polling from the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and Carnegie Corporation of New York finds that Americans are split on how they feel about nuclear weapons.

Peacekeeping missions are lightly armed international forces tasked with monitoring or implementing the terms of ceasefires, withdrawals and other conditions in conflict zones. They support governments in their primary responsibility to protect civilians, and they can also help defuse tensions and create the environment for a political settlement.

Despite the high number of deaths, peacekeeping has been relatively successful and is often credited with helping countries emerge from conflict. UN peacekeeping operations can only be authorized if the warring parties agree to their deployment. In the absence of such consent, however, peacekeeping’s effectiveness is limited. When a government, as in the case of Syria, refuses to cooperate, the United Nations is not able to intervene and prevent further violence.

Since 1948, more than 2 million women and men from 124 countries have served in 71 peacekeeping operations. They have been deployed in a wide variety of places, from the mountains of Abyei to the lakes of Kenya and Uganda, and can fit into stadiums in the size of Hasselt (Belgium), Noisy-le Grand (France) or Esbjerg (Denmark).

New theories and concepts emerged around the turn of the millennium, making peacekeeping more closely linked with ideas of liberal peace, democracy and development. In a context where the relationship between the peacekeepers and the people they are protecting is crucial to success, this shift is a necessity.